I don’t think I quite grasped it at the time, but “understanding” was becoming for me an increasingly central objective: harder, deeper and more enduring than merely “being right.” – Tony Judt, Thinking the Twentieth Century, with Timothy Snyder (NY, Penguin, 2012)
How
to begin to describe the mind of Tony Judt? That is the question that came into
my mind yesterday. In current parlance, one would automatically say “Amazing!”
But then, everything is “amazing” these days, isn’t it? A new jacket, a movie,
a hairdo? So to use the word in a serious (let alone a casual) context is to
say nothing at all.
First
of all, his mind was “well stocked.” The phrase is his own, as he referred to the memories
he used to construct the essays in The Memory Chalet. That writing was reflective
and impressive, along with being personal, even deeply intimate, but in Thinking
the Twentieth Century we see more clearly yet the extent to which Judt’s mind was stocked
not only with personal experience but with a lifetime of reading and intense
engagement with both experience and ideas.
His
mind was engaged.
It is clear from reading this book that his mind was always engaged and that
the engagement ended only with his death. He didn’t just “talk his way” through
this book. He and Snyder talked it, and then Judt edited each chapter,
continuing to clarify his ideas about our world in the twentieth century,
because it mattered to him. Thinking was not an idle game for him but an activity of crucial
importance. He cared about his world and felt a responsibility to the present
and to the future.
He
thought critically.
He did not easily give his assent.His was not a mind to acquiesce easily,
either in the pronouncements of others or to his own initial responses, and he
continued to question others, the world, and himself as long as he drew breath.
But neither was he one to dissent merely to be different, to gain attention, or
to play devil’s advocate lightly, as a diversion. Again, he analyzed and
reflected endlessly but never as a game—always because he saw thinking as
important work.
His
thinking and expression had a style all their own. Analytical by temperament and
by training, Judt retained a poet’s love for the sensuous details and the great
romance of the world about him. Anyone who has read The Memory Chalet knows this. Whoever has not
read it, should.
For
the remainder of this post, I want to highlight a few passages from Thinking
the Twentieth Century,
beginning with the somewhat unromantic (most would say) of economics. Judt identifies the
Reagan-Thatcher view, “that the right to make any amount of money unhindered by
the state is part of an unbroken continuum with the right to free speech,” and
he goes on as follows:
It is perhaps worth reminding ourselves that this is not what Adam Smith thought. And it was certainly not the view of most neoclassical economists either. It would simply never have occurred to them to suppose a necessary and permanent relationship between the forms of economic life and all other aspects of human existence. They treated economics as benefitting from internal laws as well as the logic of human interest; but the motion that economics alone could supply the purposes of human existence on earth would have struck them as peculiarly thin gruel.
On
the role of the historian, a topic of great importance to him, he is particularly
eloquent.
The task of the historian, if you wish to think of it this way, is to supply the dimension of knowledge and narrative without which we cannot be a civic whole.
Has
anyone ever described the job better? A couple of pages later he is more
precise:
I would break that thought into two parts. The first is simply this: the job of the historian is to make clear that a certain event happened. We do this as effectively as we can, for the purpose of conveying what it was like for something to have happened to those people when it did, where it did and with what consequences. This rather obvious job description is quite crucial. The cultural and political current flows in the other direction: to efface past events—or to exploit them for unrelated purposes. It’s our job to get it right—again and again and again. The task is Sisyphean: the distortions keep changing and so the emphasis in the corrective is constantly in flux. But many historians do not see it this way, and feel no responsibility of this kind. In my view, they are not real historians. A scholar of the past who is not interested in the first instance in getting the story right may be many virtuous things, but a historian is not among them. However, we have a second responsibility. We are not merely historians but also and always citizens, with a responsibility to bring our skills to bear upon the common interest. ... We are never free of that.
Accordingly, we must operate in two registers simultaneously....
Critical
as he was of all national political agendas, Judt was very clear in his mind
that before students can criticize history, they must learn it. Facts first.
Without facts, “criticism” becomes a hash of opinions slung about willy-nilly.
And, in thus making history irrelevant, in making it chaotic, “we [historians]
lose any claim upon the civic conversation.”
He
thought a lot, also, on the distinction between history and collective
memory:
...I profoundly believe in the difference between history and memory; to allow memory to replace history is dangerous. Whereas history of necessity takes the form of a record, endlessly rewritten and re-tested against old and new evidence, memory is keyed to public, non-scholarly purposes: a theme park, a memorial, a museum, a building, a television program, an event, a day, a flag. Such mnemonic manifestations of the past are of necessity partial, brief, selective: those who arrange them are constrained sooner or later to tell partial truths or even outright lies—sometimes with the best of intentions, sometimes not. In either event, they cannot substitute for history.
I
could quote endlessly from this book but give these samples only in the hope of
inducing hunger for more, so the last passage I have chosen for today is one
from my previous post, and it has to do with faith and judgment:
...It is one thing to say that I am willing to suffer now for an unknowable but possibly better future. It is quite another to authorize the suffering of others in the name of that same unverifiable hypothesis. This, in my view, is the intellectual sin of the century: passing judgment on the fate of others in the name of their future as you see it, a future in which you may have no investment, but concerning which you claim exclusive and perfect information.
Tony,
his wife tells us, believed in two things: love and serious public debate. That
is, love and informed conversation. Both require that human beings care.
2 comments:
"“that the right to make any amount of money unhindered by the state is part of an unbroken continuum with the right to free speech,”
I strongly agree with this. As long as the money is earned legally, and without committing any crimes, the amount should not be a problem.
The point of this partial quote, which I took out of context (so, sorry, dmarks, if that caused confusion), is not to say that there shouldn’t be a legal right to earn—legally--as much money as possible but that such a possibility is part of a free market economy, which may or may not be tied to what we take to be other basic human rights, such as the right to free speech. For instance, much later in the book Judt and Snyder talk about China, where market operations operate under great freedom but speech and other forms of expression are severely curtailed. We in the U.S., Judt is saying, see political freedom and economic freedom as mutually entailed, one implying the other, but the logic of the market does not extend beyond the market.
If the only red-haired people you knew had freckles, and the only freckled people you knew all had red hair—in other words, if in your experience red hair and freckles always went together—it would naturally be tempting for you to assume that no one could have red hair without freckles or freckles without red hair. But that assumption would speak more to the limits of your experience than to the limits of reality.
The question of logic is important because when we reduce all questions of good (private or public) to questions of economics, thinking to derive everything good from economics, we forget that the free market itself depends on institutions and moral rules that preceded it and without which it could not function at all: truth-telling, promise-keeping, trust, etc. These practices were in existence long before free markets, and free market economics is absolutely dependent on them as background assumptions but has no room for them in invisible hand theory, which postulates nothing more than rational self-interest.
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